Relations between America and India have not always been the most cordial. Throughout much of the Cold War, the leadership in New Delhi openly opposed many of Washington's actions abroad and cozied up to the Soviet Union. Nehru and others viewed the United States as the successor to the dying European colonial empires and detested the fact that America provided aid to the hated Pakistanis. For years, insecure that the world viewed them as nothing more than exotic, poverty-stricken mystics, Indians clung to a non-alignment ideology which they believed made them a factor in global politics. However, times have changed. India now has a booming market-oriented economy and with it, a new confidence in itself. Consequently, its views on the United States have greatly transformed. India now sees the United States as a country with which it can work. Ties between the two countries have been greatly strengthened by the immigration of over a million industrious Indians to the U.S., most of whom maintain cultural and social links with their motherland. The heavy usage of English by the Indian elites also facilitates interaction between the two nations.
But cultural ties alone do not guarantee a stable, productive alliance. The squabbling between Washington and the Paris-Berlin axis prior to the outbreak of the war in Iraq highlights this truth. To paraphrase Lord Palmerston, allies do not exist, simply interests. Our vision of Asia in the 21st century does not coincide with the designs of France and other prominent NATO members. For this reason, Washington should not expect help from Europe when faced with the coming challenges. India, on the other hand, does hold similar security concerns towards both militant Islam and China.
India has a long and painful history of Islamic terrorism. Thousands have died in the bloody campaigns carried out by Jaish-e-Mohammad and others to force India out of Kashmir. On Dec. 13, 2001, a suicide squad made an attempt to wipe out the Indian Parliament. Though the mission ended in failure, the militants came within a hair's breadth of storming the parliament building. Nearly all the terrorist organizations hostile towards New Delhi have close links to al Qaeda. Fearful of Islamic fanatics smuggling weapons of mass destruction into its territory, India strongly desires to annihilate the great networks that crisscross Eurasia. Already its leaders have expressed interest in assisting the U.S. in its continued campaign to destroy Osama bin Laden and his ilk.
An aspiring global power, India strongly distrusts its next-door neighbor China. Part of this suspicion stems from Beijing's invasion of India in 1962, during which China seized largely uninhabited stretches of territory along India's mountainous northern borders. That experience left India traumatized and wary of the PRC, and for good reason. With dreams of dominating Asia, the Chinese see India as a possible stumbling block. Already China has taken measures to encircle India and put itself in a position where its forces could deliver a crippling blow.
For years, Beijing has developed close ties to India's old enemy Pakistan. China has invested billions of dollars in upgrading Pakistan's military and infrastructure. The PRC provided invaluable technological assistance to Islamabad's efforts to become a nuclear power. A major highway has been constructed through the Karakorum mountain range, linking Pakistani Kashmir with Tibet, with the primary purpose of facilitating the movement of Chinese troops into Pakistan to bolster that country's defenses. Even more alarmingly, China has commenced construction on a major naval stronghold at Gwadar in Baluchistan. From here it can challenge India's position in the Arabian Sea and threaten shipments coming to and from the Persian Gulf.
On the other side of the subcontinent, Beijing has transformed Myanmar into a de facto province. Many Myanmarese dissidents bitterly refer to their enslaved country as the "Burmese Autonomous Region," in direct reference to the euphemistic title given to non-Han territories within the Chinese state. The People's Liberation Army has tens of thousands of soldiers stationed in the interior to prop up the decaying military regime that rules Yangon and has established a base on Coco Island in the Indian Ocean.
If war ever broke out between India and China, New Delhi would find itself assaulted on three fronts: Tibet, Pakistan and Myanmar. Aware of this unenviable situation, many Indians see the United States as an ally in providing invaluable assistance. The groundwork for this new alliance will hopefully be set when Indian Prime Minister Monmohan Singh travels to the United States this summer to finalize a military exchange agreement.
India, with its huge population, strategic depth, large military and expanding economy, has all the markings of a great power. While it aspires to hold a prominent position on the world stage, New Delhi, unlike Beijing, can live in a world where the United States continues to wield significant influence in the Middle East and the Pacific Rim. Holding many of the same security concerns as America, India will be a much more reliable ally than most of the NATO countries. Obstacles still stand in the way, particularly America's expedient relationship with Pakistan and India's dealings with Iran. Yet, as the War on Terror continues and China begins its bid for domination, the United States and India will put aside their differences and work to ensure a stable, free Asia. Secretary Rice's "March 25th Statement" could initiate the creation of a new, fruitful alliance between the world's oldest democracy and the world's largest democracy.
Baca can be reached at mwbaca@amherst.edu